Showing posts with label education. Show all posts
Showing posts with label education. Show all posts

August 28, 2018

Young Communists prepare for conferences on free education

Special to RY 

As the school year is about to start, thousands of students across the country are looking at their bank statements sparing any penny to make it through the year without getting too much into debt simply to go to school to eventually find a job. Young communists in the meantime issued a call-out to convene student and young progressive activists to attend two unique conferences on free education.

Organised under the theme "The fight for free education, a Communist Perspective", the conferences will be organised in Toronto and Vancouver on September 15-16 and 28-29 respectively. Exact locations will be made public shortly.

September 15, 2014

Ontario’s Austerity Hurts Students With Disabilities


By Sarah Jama

We all know what it feels like to sit in class with an uncontrollable urge to pee. Most of us would raise a hand, get granted a hall pass, and go relieve ourselves in the nearest bathroom or tree. For others, the process is more complicated. Picture wearing a catheter, or needing help to transfer from a wheelchair to a toilet. Not so simple in a school setting.

Educational assistants (EAs) are individuals who help students with disabilities gain access to the accommodations required in order for them to benefit from receiving an education. Simply put, EAs are meant to assist students with disabilities in closing the gap between able-bodied individuals and themselves, or to ‘even the playing field’. They scribe notes for students who can’t move their fingers, or assist in monitoring students with severe anxiety in testing situations. Yes, they even help students in the bathroom.

December 30, 2013

The awakening student movement

by Espoir Manirambona
Rebel Youth Magazine

(This article appeared in the Winter 2013-2014 print edition of Rebel Youth together with this commentary.).

Students everywhere in Canada have had it with high tuition fees and are working to build a united student fightback to make education a right, not a privilege.

In many other industrialized capitalist countries such as France, Denmark and Spain post-secondary education is largely free.  Poorer nations, such as socialist Cuba, provide access to education as a guaranteed right.  In Canada students must pay a great deal of money to get the education they need to pursue their dreams or just get a job that’s above the poverty line.

Corporations, of course, want an educated workforce but they are not willing to pay for it through taxes -- and are instead forcing the students and their families to pick up the bill. This «debt sentence» is made heavier by the low wages most youth earn; and doubly hard for aboriginal students, young women, and racialized youth who face additional barriers.

Most students, and a large section of the Canadian people, oppose this full-scale attack on access to education. The challenge for the student movement across Canada is to turn this sentiment into action and mass public pressure. Quebec, which last year saw massive, militant and united student actions that shocked the country, shows the way!

October 16, 2012

A teenage girl rebellion: how Cuba`s revolution beat illiteracy


La Femme International Film Festival will debut the documentary “Maestra” by Catherine Murphy on Saturday in Los Angeles.

The film is a 30 minute documentary paying tribute to the thousands of young Cuban women that participated in the 1961 literacy campaign. Approximately 50 thousand teenage girls launched a practically impossible task and helped construct a new society at the ages of 16 and 17, said Catherine Murphy who spend almost 10 years researching in archives, searching for teachers of the time and taping an oral history of their experiences.

The La Femme International Film Festival is the largest women’s event in the US with the participation of renowned movie stars. The festival kicked off on Thursday and will run until Saturday with the presentation of over 100 independent, short and documentary, commercial films and musical videos.


October 11, 2012

The case of officer 728


As progressive-minded activists look back on the past months of protest, a bitter reminder of the police violence and repression has come forward in the form of what is being called "Le cas de l'agente 728."


Officer 728 of the Montreal police, Madame Stefanie Trudeau, was widely condemned last spring for her excessive use of force against student demonstrators (see photo at left). While hardly unique, the incident was caught on YouTube. Now, in a video and audio recording presented by Radio-Canada, the violent arrest of four people, for reasons still unclear, by Trudeau has also been exposed.

Home invasion

In the video, Officer 728 with other police invade a residence and grab an individual by the throat, chocking him. The assault took place on October 2nd, when Rudy Orchietti, a resident of Plateau Mont-Royal, opened the door to some musician friends who came to his apartment on rue Papineau, not far from down town Montreal.

Orchietti has a beer in his hands. He is standing on the sidewalk by the door. At that moment, Officer 738 launches into action. Things quickly become chaotic and violent. Orchietti is arrested. When a friend intervenes the police lash out. They force their way into the apartment as if on a hunt. The friend is caught -- pinned by the neck and immobilized.

Officer 728 then confiscated the cell phones of those arrested, but triggered involuntarily a recording on one phone. In the conversation she had with her supervisor, broadcast on Radio-Canada, she speaks of rats referring to the people in the apartment, the fucking red squares, and asshole artists. "I didn't pepper spray them," Officer 728 adds, even though she "was on the edge" -- but fear she would wind up on TV again prevented her.

QS demands more


The SPVM apologized for the "disturbing" images and suspended Officer 728 during an internal investigation. But left-wing political party Québec solidaire expressed distrust of the ethics committee studying this case.

"These committees are composed mainly of former police officers. They are not independent enough, "says MNA Amir Khadir. "We must also tackle the root of the problem, the culture of permissiveness... This culture is of "racial profiling" and "social profiling." And also the lack of accountability," he said.




The violence comes after renewed calls, this time by teachers and educators, for a public investigation into the police violence of last spring and summer.

Over 3000 arrests in Quebec

During the massive mobilization by the Quebec student movement which grew to include widespread public support, and coming less than two years after the brutal G20 protests in Toronto, Quebec was witness to the biggest wave of police repression in recent history, marked by 3387 arrests from February 16th to the 3rd of September, 2012.


(Several of these arrests took place during the notorious "kettle" tactic for which Montreal Police Department (SPVM) have been criticized by the United Nations’ Council of Human Rights. Often these arrests were carried out in a brutal manner, the prison conditions were harsh and they were not permitted to talk to a lawyer or relatives.)

Police brutality also inflicted numerous injuries on demonstrators including, two eyes lost, teeth broken, a fractured skull, as well as broken arms and legs. "Media reports and on-line videos revealed that the police forces generally seemed animated by a profound contempt for students, expressed by the insults, often sexist and homophobic," educator Francis Dupuis-Déri wrote in Le Devoir.


A broader problem

Police brutality is widespread across Canada, compounded by the "law and order" and "war on terror" rhetoric of right-wing politicians and the corporate media, who consistently glorify the police and attempt to justify police crimes.

For example, since November 11, 1987, when Officer Allan Gosset killed Anthony Griffin, police in Montreal have killed at least 37 people. Most have gone unpunished, as coroners, prosecutors, and cabinet ministers cooperate to protect the cops.    The situation in Montreal is not improving. Moroccan immigrant Mohamed Anas Bennis left his Montreal mosque at 6:30 am on Dec. 1, 2005. At 7:20 am, at the corner of Kent Street and Cote-Des-Neiges, he was shot twice and killed by a police officer. The shooting took place during a joint operation by the Montreal police, Quebec Provincial Police, and the RCMP, allegedly targeting "Algerian scam artists" linked to "international terrorism."

Quebec City police were assigned to investigate the killing, starting a process which can only be described as a cover-up. Eleven months later, it was announced that no charges would be laid, since there was "no evidence" that a criminal act had occurred.

In this context the Young Communist League has stepped-up its call for civilian and community control over police and prisons, ending racial profiling by police, and the dismantlement of the RCMP and CSIS.

Anger about Malala Yousafzai should not be used for more war


We reprint this letter to the editor calling for the deplorable attack on young Pakistani woman Malala Yousfzai to not be an excuse to whip up war fever by imperialism.


Dear Editor,

Your editorial (Why the Taliban are afraid of a 14 year-old girl, Oct 10th 2012) perversely exploits the attack on Malala Yousafzai by calling for "overwhelming force to bear" on the Taliban.  Malala herself in an interview with CNN last year said deal with the Taliban through talks and building more schools.  Using force has only lead to killing more young women, not making them safer.  For example in May a New York Times article described how President Barack Obama hand-picked a 17 year-old girl to be killed by drone without a trial.  The UK Bureau of Investigative Journalism estimates about 175 children have been killed by drones, and says the US sends a 2nd round of drones every attack which kills rescue workers.  Last month NATO admitted its bombs killed 8 Afghan women and girls collecting firewood.  Anger at the attack on Malala should not be used for more war which will kill more girls and women, that is senseless and not what Malala stood for.

S. Saleh Waziruddin
Niagara Falls, Ontario

Find out more:

CNN interview clip

Secret ‘Kill List’ Proves a Test of Obama’s Principles and Will

'Double tap' By Gwynne Dyer

Afghanistan: Nato admits up to eight women killed in airstrike


September 29, 2012

Student organizing in the 1930s and the YCL

The On To Ottawa Trek
In the 1920s, 30s and 40s the Communist movement was under intense surveillance by the political police or Royal Canadian Mounted Police -- we know this because they have made their official secret documents public for this time period. The surveys continued, of course, after the 1940s and actually intensified but the reports from the years before show that the RCMP was already paying very close attention.

Below we present an RCMP report from November 1936, which includes a report about the work of the Young Communist League on campuses and a student conference organized by the YCL at McGill University. No doubt, not everything in this report is true. The informants used by the RCMP often exaggerated the statements of the Communists (saying, for example, that the Communists called for violent and bloody revolution in a public speech) to simply justify their existence as informers and spies. This organizational culture was supported at all levels of the RCMP who always monitored the CPC more closely than the ultra-right groups -- even when Canada was at war with fascist Germany and about to enter into an alliance with the USSR. As historian Chris Frazer writes in the latest issue of The Spark journal:
As chief of the RCMP's intelligence section, Rivett-Carnac argued in early 1939 that fascism was a lesser threat than communism since fascism was a "modified form of capitalism." Rivett-Carnac's opinion corresponded with the anti-communist and anti-labour views of RCMP Commissioner S.T. Wood, who argued later in 1941 that, "it is not the Nazi nor the Fascist but the radical who constitutes our most troublesome problem."[19] Although the charges were never substantiated, as early as October 1939 the RCMP Security Bulletin claimed that "there is more reason to fear ... acts of espionage and sabotage on the part of the Communist Party than from Nazi or Fascist organizations." Source.
The November 1936 report is from a series of security reports that the RCMP issued on a monthly basis. Much of what the YCL is interested in doing, as presented by this report, is anti-fascist work -- or campaigning for peace. At points the language of the document reads as if the informer simply copied the original text in shortened form. The sentence structure and wording is dated and has a kind of 1930s feel, but the thinking of young people at that time shines through.

The report states that student participants came from Queens (Kingston, Ontario) Dalhousie (Halifax, Nova Scotia), McGill (Montreal, Quebec) and Varisty -- which perhaps refers to the University of Toronto, whose student newspaper and sports teams are called that and where the YCL had an established public club at that time (although the word varsity simply means a university sports team or a university).  Two delegations also came from high schools in Montreal.

The conference called on YCLers to continue political and ideological work against "Capitalist ideology and propoganda in schools" but to combine this with immediate struggles and political work like peace, unemployment, youth rights, and united front work with other youth organizations. A strong parallel can be drawn with the work of the League today.

The report calls for "proper combination of broad campaigns on specific issues [...] with careful fostering of permanent student organizations." This approach may have some thing to teach youth and student activists today, with the spirit of Occupy, the "Casserole" solidarity protests, and other spontaneous actions on our campuses and communities. More often than not, these movements unfortunately fail to develop into real organizations and the youth movement swings along, after a few weeks or months, to the next popular issue.

Particular attention was given to the Canadian Youth Congress (CYC). The CYC included progressive religious youth through the Student Christian Movement which was the main social-justice organization on campuses at that time, but also farm youth, the Canadian Cooperative Federation Youth or CCF (forerunner of the NDP), as well as social and sports groups like the YMCA and YWCA (Young Men's and Young Women's Christian Associations). The CYC advocated for a Charter of Rights of the Youth or "Youth Act". It had just held, the year before, a series of protest actions against government policy during the depression -- like peoples courts against Prime Minister R.B. Bennett.

Despite that fact that most university students were not from the working class, interestingly the YCL report does not dismiss political action on campuses. Instead the League states that students are a diverse social group, generally inexperienced, and that schools varied considerably -- depending even on the personality of the school principle (or university President). As a result "no stereotyped formula can be given" but there was a sharp problem of leadership because of inexperience on campuses.

Further discussion

A lot of material is presented here which could be fruitful for further discussion about strategy and tactics.  At this time the YCL itself had only just fought and defeated, with the Communist Party of Canada, an effective ban on the organization. It was still on a precarious edge of legality.  Why would the YCL not want the Student Peace Movement to be an underground organization and forbid that direction?

Why would the YCL want official support of efforts like the CYC and peace clubs but not progressive clubs which are to remain independent?

What do you think about the experience and tactics of the YCL on high school campuses at Baron Byng and Strathcona?

Why do you think they thought it was necessary to write that"the club must neither be a collection of intellectual giants nor ostensibly be interested in nothing but ping pong while in reality acting as a snare for unsuspecting innocents"? What does this mean?

How are "linkages with the labour movement" maintained with YCL clubs in a way that is not "mechanistic"? What do you think about the example at McGill?

What do you think about the proposal for a YCL club meeting agenda on campuses and the idea of "all-talk-no-action"?

Although the story-teller is a police agent, the actual minutes from this meeting no doubt have been long lost. It is, therefore, an invaluable source of information. What we get is not the conference discussion in full, or even the complete final resolution. It is sifted by a police filter from the informant to the official report given here. The reader simply has to trust that most of the document is, more or less, accurate.

At the same time the report tells an important tale not just about the YCL but also the youth movement of the time. The final resolutions of the conference, for better or worse, show the thought-out contribution of the YCL to the students struggle: it identifies key priorities like peace and youth rights; it strives to find the maximum level of unity and militancy in the context; it navigates difficult questions like legality, illegality, and the public presence of the YCL; and it interconnects the youth struggle with other struggles.

The report especially tells its members to strive to work in a way that is not mechanistic or formulaic, to listen to its high school members, and to work in a collective fashion with initiative. Clearly, the League does not dismiss the campuses or reject participation in the political life of students -- even though access to education was much more difficult in 1936 than today for working class youth. And to be sure, campus activities were a relatively lower priority of the League which focused more on young workers. But in tacking the problems of the student movement of the day, the YCL shows its broad sweep of understanding struggle -- a revolutionary perspective of mobilizing the all the oppressed masses of youth in unity with the working class. Clearly the police though this vanguard approach towards the youth struggle in Canada was a real danger.



YCL at McGill

July 25, 2012

Looming election challenge in Quebec

Yaba daba doo! says one caption of this photo on the internet, which pictures Quebec Premier Jean Charest 




By Johan Boyden, Montreal
An earlier version of this article appeared in People's Voice Newspaper.


The community of Trois Pistoles along the northern banks of the St. Lawrence river is known for its picturesque beauty and historic links to Basque whalers, who travelled there hundreds of years ago from Spain.

Now it has become a symbol of the pre‑election polarization and fear‑mongering going on in Québec.

An ecological festival in the town, put on by community activists including some who have been fighting high‑risk shale gas development in the region, wanted to invite student leaders to speak at their event.

A storm of controversy erupted. Mayor Jean‑Pierre Rioux met with organizers and threatened to withdraw all funding. "Around here, people think that [student leader] Gabriel Nadeau‑Dubois is [...] like Maurice `Mom' Boucher" one festival organizer said.

Mom Boucher is, of course, the convicted rapist, drug dealer and murderer who leads the Montreal Hells Angels.

Québec's governing Liberal Party is expected to announce a provincial election, likely on September 4th (just before the return of the anti‑corruption commission that has implicated the party with Mafia kick‑backs through the construction industry).


While the province has been shaken by months of student protest that have witnessed a strong public outpouring of support for the students, particularly in working class Montreal communities, Québec elections are not held on the basis of proportional representation.

Instead, the riding system, divided along regional, economic and national lines, can craftily distort public opinion. Not to mention that elections are a multi‑million dollar horse race today.

Even though they have a nationalist wing, the Liberals are the only clearly federalist party on the political map. Going into the race they are "guaranteed" almost all the ridings in Montreal's West Island, where the Anglo minority will not consider a party leaning towards independence (or any other forms of sovereignty that could be guaranteed in a new democratic Constitution).

Of course, the unexpected can happen ‑ like the turn to the NDP by Québec voters in the last federal election. But that phenomenon was much more about a strategy to block the Harper Tories than a re‑evaluation of the national question.


Many commentators say the outcome hangs on ten or maybe just six ridings where the Liberals won by a whisker ‑ sometimes by a lead of one percent and less than a hundred votes. The Minister of Education has said she will not seek re‑election, no doubt expecting she would lose.

One hope of the Liberals is that the ultra‑right Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) party will to cut into the votes of the pro‑corporate Parti Québécois (PQ). The CAQ's big idea is to put aside the "divisive" national question for several years and unite the right (federalist and nationalist alike, under a populist framework) to attack labour and social programmes -- an approach which has shown to be a clear "basis of unity" for cooperation with the Liberal government's anti-people attacks in the National Assembly.


Because of their links to the Quebec nationalist movement, the CAQ also pose little threat to the Liberal's voting base who view them with hesitancy. As if to confirm suspicions, the CAQ booted a right-wing businessman from its candidate list after he said the Quebec nationalist movement was racist against immigrants. 

The big Liberal guns are, therefore, turning to take aim at the PQ. One black-and-white attack ad -- already viral -- presents the leader of that party in slow motion, banging on a casserole, although Pauline Marois has officially put away her red square.

Some compare this ballot choice to the frying pan and the fire. The Communist Party of Québec is supporting the left-coalition party Québec Solidaire.

Low voter turnout will also help the Liberals, who are counting on their "law and order" or "strong leadership in a crisis" message.
Even the government`s own arms‑length Human Rights and Youth Rights Commission recently condemned the special law forcing the return of students to class this month, saying it was a violation of the fundamental freedoms safeguarded by the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms. But Law 78 was always an election strategy, and there is a real danger it may bear fruit.

Which brings us back to communities like Trois Pistoles, where the militant CLASSE student union is compared to organized crime.

The CLASSE has been running a tour across Québec promoting their manifesto for democracy (see page 6), and weaving together the struggles of the people within the framework of defeating the Liberals. On July 22, CLASSE organized another mass demonstration, estimated at between 30,000 and 80,000 in size. (That same day, police arrested the two spokespeople of a student mobilization in Ottawa, including a member of the Young Communist League.)

The Liberals have asked the Director General of elections to investigate the students in case they are making election expenses.

The other two student federations have targeted specific ridings, basically advocating for the PQ. The past‑president of the college student federation will be a PQ candidate.

The election will be a challenge for the people's movements. There is a need to continue the mobilization in the streets while not falling into the "anti‑politics" trap of pretending the vote does not exist. Whatever the outcome, it should not be seen as a blank cheque for any party. This was the message delivered at a summer BBQ discussion organized by the Young Communist League of Québec (LJC‑Q) in late July.

The meeting heard a report‑back on a very successful ten campus tour in Ontario by Québec student activists including the leader of the LJC‑Q, Marianne Breton Fontaine, organized by the Canadian Federation of Students (CFS) Ontario. People chuckled when they learnt the National Post had labelled the tour a vector of the Québec protest "virus."

The tour was a concrete expression of solidarity by the CFS towards the Québec students. About a thousand students came out in total between Ottawa and Windsor.

Breton Fontaine will also be a candidate for Québec Solidaire in the Montreal riding of Acadie.

In addition to its own platform (which includes the elimination of tuition fees, public pharmacare, nationalization of energy, pay equity, and other demands) Québec Solidaire has responded to a call for a united front against the Liberals with their own two‑point proposal for an alliance: proportional representation and, basically, the abolition of the last austerity budget. Since this is also, on paper, the existing policy of the PQ, it could be the basis for a coalition or accord, but this is just speculation and the PQ have, so far, ignored the offer.

July 23, 2012

Marianne Breton Fontaine on the Quebec student strike

Rebel Youth shares here the speaking notes by Marianne Breton Fontaine and her contribution on the Student Solidarity Tour that reached out across southern Ontario campuses. Photo left: delegates from the Ontario Public Service Employees Union and the United Steelworkers join Quebec students at a major protest yesterday.

I was asked to speak about the context in which this strike was developed, because we cannot see the Quebec student strike in glass jar or, as we say in French dans une boulle de verre.

But if you are outside the strike and you just look at the corporate media, you could think that our strike is just the reaction of a bunch of spoiled students who do not want to pay even $1600 for their education – despite the fact that Quebec student`s pay less than in the rest of the country.

The front-page headline from McLeans magazine on June 4th presents that wrong understanding of the student strike very well: [The Quebec Student Strike.] "How a group of entitled students went to war and shut down a province, over $325."

Who are these students who want to keep such privilege in tough times!

The truth is that the student strike has arisen [...] in a very inflamed social and political moment. We are at the crossroads of many struggles right now across Canada.

Consider the Harper Conservative Budget, the Omnibus Bill C-38. [...] All these attacks together are what is being called austerity.

We are told that there is an economic crisis and we cannot afford any more social programmes that the people won, after struggle, in the past.

We are told the state does not have any more money.

This is exactly the message of the Quebec Bachand Budget, named after the finance minister who himself called it a radical change.

And it is also what people are hearing in Greece, Spain, Britain, and elsewhere.

But the economic crisis was not created by social programmes, or by the people.

To note one statistic, from the Montreal-based IRIS research group, in the last 40 years, Quebec corporations doubled their profits but paid four times less taxes.

Deeper than that there is a systemic problem, and I think we need to openly state that this is an economic crisis of the capitalist system.

We need to find an alternative!

The struggle of students is not just a question of having accessible education.

A few months ago, I interviewed Camilo Balesteros from the CONFECH – the Student`s Federation of Chile where the student have also mobilised in the street, with 300 000 gathering in the street of Santiago, fighting directly for free education, nothing less, and against one of the worst funded education systems in the world -- even high school is not free.

The Chilean students are now, for about a year and a half, in an ongoing series of strike and actions.

Camilo explained to me that their struggle could not be reduced to the demand of free education.

It could not finish there, and just let the government determine how to make free education happen.

It is a question of having the means to achieve free education.

So they struggled to change the Constitution to put the right of education into that document.

They also called for nationalization of natural resources, to have the wealth to pay for free education.

The Chilean students said these means that are needed to achieve accessible education are also the means that are needed to achieve the demands of other popular struggles.

By consequence, the student struggle is confronting directly the austerity measures and the social vision that austerity represents!

[...] Quebec students are not the only one to answer by taking the street.

The young people, internationally, have gathered great courage and risen up, redoubling their efforts to set aside their differences and fight together for a better world. Often fighting in more difficult situation than ours.

What is specific to Quebec is the combination of three factors:

First, the growing corruption scandals that have implicated the Charest Liberals (but also the Parti Québéquois) liking them to the Mafia.

Of course, corruption is not unique to Quebec, but the Liberal Party refused to have a public inquiry for over a year, despite a huge pressure from the public.

Secondly, the government has passed two austerity budgets forcing privatisation of public services, creating a Health Care tax of $200; reducing the envelop for the wages of public sector workers; promoting hazardous Shale Gas projects; initiating the in-famous Plan Nord economic development, despite the opposition of Inuit and First Nations communities and destruction of the environment; and of course increasing student fees.

And thirdly, the development of social and environmental movements by people’s forces to fight back against all those measures, like the Red Hand coalition built by student, labour unions and community organisation to directly to fight austerity.

This rapid increase in involvement by the people en mass in politics – beyond elections every few years – has scared the ruling class.
Take this statement from the president of the Employers Association in Quebec:
“Eventual elections will provide citizens with the opportunity to have their say in regard to the current debate and to decide the responsibilities of everyone involved. That is how democratic societies solve their conflicts and make their decisions - at the polls instead of in the streets.”
Stop mobilizing and just wait for the next election.  This statement is completely anti-democratic!

In fact in order to make gains, including at the polls, we have to go to the streets.

The anti-democratic Bill 78 was also put together in order to discourage any king of mobilisation, whatever it is the student themselves , or other organise groups like labour that would like to protest in solidarity.

It shows the fear of big business and the reactionary political parties faced with a population organising itself and defending its own social interests, because our struggle has opened the question of social transformation.

The student strike is by consequence, also a fight for democracy.

To stop this amazing mobilisation from the people, the Charest Liberal`s have tried to ignore the situation, hoping letting the movement will fall apart on its own accord; to intimidate, through legal injunctions, police violence and repression, and now Bill 78; and to divide the student movement.

To their credit, the two other student Federations have refused to negotiate without the CLASSE.
The Charest Liberal government, and its allies, has also tried to win the battle of ideas and convince the students and the rest of the population by saying that: a diploma is a personal investment.
According to this neo-liberal or big business logic, by paying more the student simply invests in themselves. In other words, a student becomes a product and education becomes a commodity, a privilege.
Instead of social solidarity, we have the atomisation of society – evacuation of all social aspects from education.
Can knowledge be a commodity?  Knowledge is perhaps the only thing – together with love -- that grows only when it is shared. The social tool for transmission of knowledge cannot be reduced to an individual investment.
In fact, there are two ways of viewing education.

What the corporations need, ie. a functional worker with a certain amount of training, or what the people want – education as a right.

Our public education system has developed out of this contradiction. Some people say – education is good for the economy. I would ask: whose economy?
Let me illustrate this point with some examples.
In 1966 the Parent Report fundamentally changed education in Quebec. For over a century the Québéquoise people had been second-class citizens in their own land.  We had higher unemployment, we lived in poorer conditions, we had poorer quality health care and higher rates of disease than the rest of Canada.
The majority of Quebecers did not know how to read or write. Except for some programmes in law and theology, we could not learn in French.
Education was dominated by the Church, women were not allowed in the vast majority of colleges, and there were few science and technical programmes.
But one the one hand the Quebec economy developed, and on the other hand people began to demand a better life.
The Quite Revolution exploded in Quebec society and at the core was the question of being ‘masters of our own house’ and French-language education.
An official commission was established and the resulting “Parent Report” secularized education and created the CEGEP system which is distinct from the rest of Canada, merging college with the last years of high school.
The Parent Report expressed diverging class interests at the same time.
The businesses needed a more highly trained workforce.
The people also needed to get out of the Dark Ages maintained by the ultra-right Duplessis government of the 1930s and 40s.
The Parent report proposed free education as an ultimate goal, to be achieved by freezing the tuition fees and reducing them when possible. The idea was to have the most accessible education system.
Quebec is today totally different. And our education system played a big role in our emancipation.
Free education would require less than 1% of Quebec`s budget and could be obtained by restoring the capital gains tax.
But the corporations do not want to pay the bill for education.
You can see this also with the report that just came out from the McGuinty Liberal government at the start of this tour proposing three-year degrees.
Are students over-educated? Maybe even with `unnecessary` degrees like philosophy or women`s studies?
Or do they have sufficient training to be employees – and the employeers, through tax dollars, will not pay for more?
I am reminded of another extreme example.
About a year and a half ago, I attended a conference in South Africa and met with a leader with the National Union of South African Students, which was an illegal organization under the apartheid system.
They told us that quality education was forbidden to the majority black population, and particularly for women.
For them, access to education could not be separated from their struggle for emancipation.
Education is freedom.
I personally think we have a lot to learn from the student’s of Cuba, who have won free education and demonstrated that there is an alternative direction, even for poor countries.
In closing, I wanted to say that your support and your red squares are very important for us.

Millions of people in Canada share our sentiment that education is a social good, it should be accessible, and it should be a right. Actually, a survey made by the Canadian Federation of Students showed that 83% of Canadians are for a freeze, and 37% for a reduction of fees.

As we go into August, we will continue to need your support – and your fightback.

Two lesson from the Quebec struggle might be important for you.

In Quebec the students have learnt a hard lesson in the power of unity. Over the past forty years, students hav ecollectively marched out classes eight times in a general strike.

While not all students hit the streets, so many acted together that, despite fear mongering by university administrations, they were not academically penalized.

All but one mobilization forced the government to back down.

But the one mobilization that did fail, in 1988, fractured the movement killing the l'Association nationale des Etudiantes et des Etudiants du Québec (ANEEQ).

The lines of communication between the Quebec student movement and the Canadian student movement were also broken, a unity based on equality and the recognition that the Quebec people were a nation, not just residents of another province, but that we had a common struggle.

We are rebuilding that solidarity now, twenty years later, and this tour is one step.
But coming back on the question of unity. Unity does mean to adopt the lowest position to make consensus, but to recognize our real opponents, to politically convince our potential allies, going beyond the campus.

And to get out of an economic discourse with demands that only speak to individual students.

By addressing the question of how to achieve free education, or even the freeze, we can outreach to other people’s demands and struggles, and grow the movement.

I think that even where the student leadership is reactionary, like the Canadian Alliance of Student Associations, students on campuses can move into action if they can connect with the mobilization.

Perhaps the biggest lesson of Quebec is to have a plan of action of escalation.

The strike is the most powerful moral weapon the student’s have. But to get there, one day of action should be follow by another, then by an occupation, and a week of local action, a one day strike, etc.

It is militancy that won our current level of accessibility, not charity from the government. Victory through struggle is possible.

The Quebec Student Strike is not over $325, or $1600. It is not about numbers.

It is about what kind of future we have.

Ignorance, debt and more poverty?

Or bold, different direction that says education is a social right.

June 26, 2012

In Quebec, school's out but not the class struggle


Student protest continued on Friday, making another big splash in two places cities at once.





J. Boyden

School is out of session. The students have returned home, leaving their close-knit campus life behind. Young people are in summer jobs – or searching for summer employment, as the youth unemployment rate in Quebec is still one of the highest in Canada. And so the English-language corporate media has a new line about what they`ve mislabelled the Quebec student “boycott.’ The spoilt brats have surrendered. The resistance is melting away.

Anyone who believes that line in Quebec was in for a rude awakening on June 22. That’s when another major demonstration rocked the streets in Montreal, quickly growing in size to become a rumbling, noisy human river running through the downtown. And at the same time, the largest mobilization Quebec City has seen during this five-month struggle also swept through the streets of the historic capital.

April 11, 2012

Quebec student strike puts Charest Liberal's on defensive



250,000 students and allies hit the streets for the historic March 22nd mass protest.  Photo by Paul Lamontaine

People's Voice
by Johan Boyden

Students in Quebec have stepped‑up their escalating strike action for accessible education, with a massive demonstration of over 250,000 people on March 22. The mobilization far exceeded the expectations of organizers, creating a human river of protestors as wide as four lanes of traffic and almost eight kilometres long, effectively shutting down the center of Montreal.

The student demonstration, one of the largest protest marches in Canadian history, has rocked Quebec and "upped the anti" for a movement on a collision course with the provincial Charest Liberal government.
"We are just getting started" the students spokespeople said at the rally, calling for all groups in Quebec society to join them, including labour, and by all accounts it looks like the struggle here could be just beginning.

April 4, 2012

Photo essay: Police brutality in the Quebec student strike

A student journalist is arrested for filming police brutality 
Helmeted and shield-wielding police charge a line of students. Police fire a sound-bomb directly into the faces of protesters, blinding one student in the eye.  Without warning, tear gas explodes over a peaceful demonstration. A march of students in a downtown area is followed by twenty police wagons for arrests, a cavalcade of horse and mounted cops, riot squads, and a helicopter.

Is this the developing world? No it is Montreal and Quebec today, with police violence reaching a new nadir of aggression against democratic dissent. Rebel Youth presents this photo essay.


April 3, 2012

Free education: Quebec solidaire`s response to the crisis created by the Charest Liberals and the brave struggle of the students

Massive demos have characterized the student struggles
Statement by Québec solidare, a left-wing political party in Québec. Translation by Rebel Youth

QS today unveiled its proposal to resolve the crisis caused by the Liberal government's refusal to establish a dialogue with the student movement.

"The proposal we are presenting today has shown that the rapid and dramatic increase in tuition fees is a political and ideological decision. It is possible to improve university funding without increasing the contribution of young families and middle class -- and do that while freezing tuition. We want to demonstrate that universal access to college is achievable if the government decides to pick up disposable income by requiring the financial institutions to pay their fair share. Currently, the Charest government is essentially offering a carrot to the students [to accept their plan] by increasing their student debt, "says Francoise David, spokesman for QS.

Rapid elimination of school fees

QS makes firm commitments. Government support [must] immediately cancel the $500 increases implimented since 2007 as well as the increase of $ 1,625 over the next five years. Our response to the crisis will see university tuition fees be reduced to zero by 2017-2018. "Against an increase of $ 325 per year, we propose a decrease of $ 325 accompanied by measures to improve the quality of training," says Amir Khadir, MNA for Mercier.

April 1, 2012

Photo essay: Quebec Student Strike

Massive student mobilizations against rising tuition fees in Québec are not being reported in English-speaking Canada, and even under-reported by progressive media. RY helps break the silence with these pictures that say a thousand words -- or rather show 250,000 people in the street!  This is a taste of what social transformation and mass democratic struggle looks like.


Photo: CLASSE


March 28, 2012

Quebec student strike - some quick facts

From 1968 to 1990, tuition fees in Quebec were frozen at $500 a year. After a hike of about 150 per cent from 1990 to 1993, a PQ government introduced a new freeze in 1994. But that same government opened the door to a new increase in the name of deficit cutting in 1996. The increase faced a Quebec-wide student strike with mass street protests and gave up that idea. Fees have also increased by $100 a year over the past five years under the Charest government.

- Chantal Sundaram, Rabble.ca

March 25, 2012

Quebec student strike: The case for free education

A student sign pokes fun at Line Beauchamp, Québec Education Minister

From the English-language website of CLASSE


Free education: is it possible?

While students in Quebec are mobilizing to counter the drastic increase in tuition fees announced by the Charest government, it is important to continue the discussion on free education. This project, often attacked as utopian, is actually quite realistic and even relatively easy to apply, assuming of course a major change in our societal choices.

Window-shopping one’s education

Education is the basis of a society: it allows the transmission of knowledge and culture, and teaches critical thinking.
Increasingly, this fundamental right has become a commodity that students can buy and income has become a major factor deciding the scope of studies or their continuation. Those who can afford it are spoiled for choice while others are being forced to forgo some options to enter the labour market as soon as possible. A long university education is supposed to result in a prestigious degree, yet often this degree does not guarantee a job, especially not a job that would pay off the debts that have become necessary.

February 27, 2012

Education costs put heavier burden on women

Protesting the Charest increase in fees
People's Voice

Tuition fee increases disproportionately impact the access of women to education, an example of social policy perpetuating gender inequality, says a new policy report from a feminist research group at Concordia University in Montreal.

The report, authored by the Simone de Beauvoir Institute, was released as students mobilize for increased access to education. The Charest Liberals have announced a $1,625 across‑the‑board increase in tuition fees in Quebec. Across Canada, over the past three decades, tuition fees have increased by 400 per cent above inflation, pushing student debt to a record four billion dollars.

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