Cyprus: a country still divided by Imperialism

Special to RY

This piece was originally published in People's Voice, Canada's leading socialist newspaper. 

A small island in the eastern Mediterranean, at the crossroads of the Middle East and Europe, Cyprus is victim to imperialist antagonisms in the region. It is a situation that has led to 37% of its territory being occupied by Turkey since 1974.

This division contributes to making Cyprus an “unsinkable aircraft carrier,” as shown by the occupation of 4% of the territory by more than 4000 British forces which are stationed there. To add to the complexity of the case, oil deposits have been discovered recently off the coasts of Lebanon and Israel and Cyprus, which reinforces the geostrategic interest of the island.

“Against looting, socialism!” Say the Çanakkale people (Turkey) against Canadian Mining Corporation Alamos

Thousands protest against Alamos Gold Mining in Çanakkale

By Adrien Welsh 

It was with this rallying cry that activists from the Çanakkale branch of the Turkish Communist Party joined the thousands of demonstrators who stormed the site of the Kirazli gold mine project operated by the Canadian mining company Alamos. Despite a few altercations with security personnel, a human tide of thousands of protesters were determined to voice their opposition to the company caused deforestation and defeated the company's security agents. Once on the site, the event went off without a hitch, the protesters came among others to make an eminently symbolic gesture: planting trees.

Lebanese, Turkish and French youth united in the struggle for peace

The following is a joint statement from young Communist organizations from Lebanon, France and Turkey on the recent attacks on civilians in each of their countries and their united struggle against imperialist war.

Ankara, Beirut, and Paris: Same pain, same responsibilities, same struggle

We, communist and progressive youth organization from Turkey, Lebanon and France declare the following:

We are all deeply affected and saddened by the bombing that struck our peoples and our youths. Our first thoughts are with the victims and their families. Terrorism is a deadly ideology that we shall fight against. The acts perpetrated in Ankara, Beirut and Paris has been committed by fascists.

WFDY condemns the massacre of youth and students in Suruc, Turkey

Photographs of some of the young people that were murdered
on July 20th, 2015.

Special to RY

On July 20th, members of the Socialist Youth Associations Federation (SGDF) were in Suruc, Turkey on their way to help reconstruct a museum in the Kurdish controlled town of Kobane. Kobane, in Syria, has withstood fierce attacks from ISIS. SGDF members were at a cultural centre having breakfast with Kurdish organizations when the suicide bombing occurred.

The World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY), a federation of anti-imperialist youth organizations from around the world, has released a statement condemning the recent murder of at least 30 youth.

"Turkey is witnessing a genuine popular movement"

The TKP release a giant banner from the roof of the Kemal Atatürk
Cultural Center and Opera House at Taksim Square by Gezi Park, Istanbul.
The banner slogan literally means"submission" and is a call for resistance. 

Below we reprint a statement today from the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP). Criticizing the corporate media, the TKP has repeatedly said that the uprising in Taskim Square is not a “Turkish spring” but has "an anti-imperialist and pro-secular character... closely related with the people’s opposition to the government’s warmongering policy in Syria and creeping Islamisation of public life. In this manner, it differs from the other uprisings in the Middle East."

Today the TKP circulated a report by the Turkish Doctors’ Union about the bill of attacks by the ruling AKP which started with Gezi Park protests and are continuing all around Turkey.

- Protesters have been wounded in 12 cities (Mersin, Antakya, Çanakkale have still to provide counts);
- 4177 people sought attention as wounded,
- 2 patients have lost their lives,
- 43 patients are seriously wounded,
- 3 patients in critical condition, 2 in Ankara, 1 in Eskişehir,
- 15 cases of grave head trauma with multiple fractures,
- 10 patients have lost their eyes.

The data from doctor's union exposes the fascism of ruling AKP party. The TKP has noted that "despite unbridled police brutality and the lack of leadership in the movement, the people carefully stayed away from provocative actions." Below is their full statement.

Statement by the Central Committee, Communist Party of Turkey (TKP)

For days now Turkey is witnessing a genuine popular movement. The actions and protests, which have started in Istanbul and spread all over Turkey have a massive, legitimate and historic character. The most important of all is the striking change in the mood of people. The fear and apathy has been overcome and people gained self-confidence.

The Communist Party of Turkey has been part of the popular movement beginning from the first day and mobilized all its forces, tried to embolden the proletarian and revolutionary character of the movement, endeavoured to pervade a mature attitude of discipline, organized numerous actions and demonstrations. In this process, the police forces carried out a heavy assault on our party headquarters in Ankara. All over Turkey, several party members have been injured and arrested. There have been some attempts of abduction of our party cadres. But the attempts of provocations against our party defeated.

Our emphasis on the role of the TKP does not aim to underestimate the spontaneous nature of the movement or contribution of the other political actors. On the contrary, the TKP stressed that this movement has an aspect that is beyond the impact of any political actor or any kind of political opportunism.

The call of the masses for the government to resign is an absolute truth of this movement. Although it is obvious that a leftist alternative cannot be built ‘right now’, this demand should be expressed loudly. This option for the working people can be generated only through benefiting from the energy that came out at this historical moment. The TKP will focus on this and expose the real meaning of alternatives like “the formation of a national government”, which will most likely be put forward to deceive the working masses into thinking that the crisis can be overcome that way.

Without a doubt, the holders of political power will try to calm the people down, institute control and even attempt to use the situation to their advantage. They can have temporary achievements. Even in that case the popular movement would not be wasted. The TKP is ready for a period of stubborn but intense struggle.

In order to act in concert, different branches of the socialist movement sharing similar goals and concerns need to evaluate the rise of this popular movement immediately. The TKP, without interrupting its daily missions and activities, is going to act responsibly regarding this issue and endeavor for the creation of a common ground in line with the urgent demands below.

In order to nullify the plans of the government to classify and divide the popular movement as legitimate and illegitimate, all forces need to avoid the steps that might cause damage to the legitimacy of the movement. It is the political power that attacks. The people should defend themselves as well as their rightful action but never fall into the provocation trap of the government.

While the masses are chanting the slogan “government, resign”, the negotiations limited to the future of the Taksim-Gezi Park are meaningless. The government pretends not to understand the fact that the old balances has been upset fundamentally and cannot be restored. Everybody knows that the popular movement is not the product of susceptibility towards the trees in the Gezi Park. The anger of the people is over the urban transformation projects, the terror of the market, open direct interventions in different lifestyles, the Americanism and the subordination to the US, the reactionary policies, the enmity towards the Syrian people. The AKP cannot deceive the people with a discourse of “we will plant more trees than the ones that we will chop down.”

While rolling up our sleeves in order to create an alternative of the working people, the movement needs to lean on certain concrete demands. These demands are valid in the in the case of the resignation of the government or of Erdogan:

a) The government must announce that the projects that involve the demolishment of the Gezi Park and of the Ataturk Cultural Center are terminated.

b) Those who were taken in custody during the resistance must be released and all charges against them must be dropped immediately.

c) All officials whose crimes against the people are proven by the reports of the commissions that are formed by the Union of Bar Associations and local bar associations must be relieved of their duties.

d) The attempts that hinder the right of the people to get true news on the developments must be stopped.

e) All prohibitions regarding meetings, demonstrations and marches must be repealed.

f) All de facto or de jure obstacles that lock the political participation of the people, including the 10 per cent election threshold and the anti-democratic articles of the ‘law on political parties’, must be abolished.

g) All initiatives that attempt to impose a monotype life style to all people must be stopped.

These urgent demands will in no case affect our right and duty to continue the opposition against the political power. The People's reaction to the government must be reinforced, and efforts must be concentrated to bring about a real alternative in the political scene.

The star and the crescent Turkish flag that was intended to be used to provide a shield for reactionary and chauvinist attacks against laborers, leftists, Kurdish people after the fascist military coup of September 12, 1980, has now been grasped by the People from the hands of fascism, and given to the honorable hands of Deniz Gezmiş and his comrades, as a flag in the hands of patriotic people.

The People's movement, ever since the beginning, has persistently let down the sinister strategy to play one community against another in Turkey. This attitude must carefully be maintained, leaving no room for chauvinism or vulgar nationalism.

Appealing to our Kurdish brothers and sisters, we had already declared that "There can be no peace agreement with AKP". There can be no deal with a political power to which its own People have turned their back, and the true face of which has been revealed. Kurdish politics must give up "cherishing hopes of proceeding further with AKP", and become a strong constituent of a united, patriotic and enlightened laborer People's movement.

Our citizens who have lost their lives through the hands of the police force of the political power, have sacrificed their lives in the name of a just and historical struggle. The People are never going to forget their names, and those who are responsible for their death will pay the price before law.

Central Committee
Communist Party of Turkey
4 June 2013

All plans in Turkey have been disrupted: interview with Turkish communists

Members of the TKP in Gezi Park

Kemal Okuyan is the chief editor of the progressive daily newspaper soL (meaning 'left' in Turkish) and a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Turkey or TKP. He recently answered questions put to him by the TKP about the Gezi Park struggle taking place today in Istanbul. Protesters have been assembled in Gezi Park since the end of May, opposing the demolition of the park and construction of a shopping mall. The brutal police repression of demonstrations sparked wider public support for the actions which quickly developed into broad opposition against the reactionary government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. In this interview, Reprinted from Solidnet, Okuyan addresses questions which have recently been debated in Turkey and internationally such as “Where is Turkey heading?”, “Is this a revolutionary situation?” and “Are the recent events the ‘Spring’ of Turkey?”

Was a social movement of this scale expected?

Historically, big social movements are generally movements that cannot be foreseen. If the limits of something can be predicted, actors related to the issue prepare accordingly. With negative or positive inputs, they attempt to control the results. When this happens, the fictional casts a shadow on the movement. Progress that can change the given balance of power cannot be made and as a result a big social movement does not come into being. Nobody was able to estimate the dimensions of what we are experiencing at the moment. The government couldn’t. The mainstream opposition couldn’t, the left couldn’t either. There were some foresights, some was able to realize that the events would reach a critical point but no one was able to foresee what is happening now. This is important. The political and ideological climate of Turkey is now different from 4-5 days ago. Not completely different but at a scale that can’t be underestimated.

What is behind the prevalence and the depth of the movement?

In a straightforward, naked fashion, it is the culmination of the reaction, even hatred towards AKP government and especially towards Erdoğan to an incredible level. There we thought we all knew this. But there was something we forgot, this feeling of hatred towards Erdoğan solidified, accumulated at the same rate as Erdoğan increased his arrogance, solidified his impunity. On the other hand, everyone thought that this hatred was taken for granted since it was of no use or the impression that it was of no use. But hatred is not a feeling that can be taken for granted. If it finds a channel, it will come out. Tayyip Erdoğan cannot be proud of himself enough. He has become a focal point that not many people in the history have ever become.

Is it that simple, in other words, can the whole issue be narrowed down to the rage against Erdoğan?

Of course not. But this should be given importance. As an example, if it weren’t such a dominant figure like him, say, Abdullah Gül heading AKP, the level of the reactions would have come down to a normal level. One should not read this as if there is not an ideological reference here. Erdoğan is a catalyst with the effect of a multiplier. But the movement is aiming to settle accounts with the fundamental features of the mentality that materialized in AKP… Exception being the class base… Reactionism and collaboration has been the ideological background and Erdoğan was placed in the center. The Prime Minister says “This is not about the trees”. I can’t believe he said this… After a certain point, it is not about the trees or Gezi Park. This was the final straw. He doesn’t realize the level of the rage and hatred he has created…

The dominant feature of AKP is its marketism… Where is the lack of the connection here?

Well, we can’t really dodge the issue by simply saying that this is the reaction of middle class. If the middle class reaction has reached this level in Turkey, we should start thinking about other things. OK, there is a middle class character to this but there has been serious mobilization in the working class neighborhoods, particularly in İstanbul and Ankara. If we forget what we have known all along and talk off the top of our head, we will make mistakes. Firstly, the ideological political impact, both in terms of bourgeois and socialist ideology, has to overcome the middle class obstacle. The struggle for hegemony here needs to be taken serious. If everyone labels this wide field as they feel like it, it would be a great mistake. The Left has for years looked down on this field labeling it with labels such as “White Turk”… Ideological rigor is important, so is the class sensitivity. But we also need to avoid oversimplification. Secondly, it is the structure of the working class in Turkey. There is limit to organizing in the workplace a labor mass that is unsteady, ever moving while dealing with unemployment. It is time to look at the laborer localization with a new logic. We have transferred the working class to the union structure but they are not on solid ground either. The whole country has risen up and unions are nowhere to be found. There is no tool that will activate the working class as the leader, that will make it the dominant force! In previous incidents where this was achieved by political structures, there was absolute success. Tens of thousands of people who were labeled as “Middle Class” have in fact laid claim to an anti-capitalist axis. The reason is that most of these people are people whose labor is exploited.

Is it this innocent or are there “deeper” plans in this movement?

Some of the mouthpiece media writes claim that evil forces have been mobilized for an organized uprising. If this had been the case, the result would have been different. They can rest easy. This is simply an explosion of rage. The political players who share this rage obviously have been able to connect with this general rage easily and they have come forward in the areas they already had connection with or where they were already organized. But this should not be exaggerated. Conspiracy seekers should look somewhere else. And exactly among themselves. It is very clear, for a while there is an attempt to tweak, to fix Tayyip Erdoğan’s policies. USA for various reasons, Fethullah Gülen’s sect for other reasons. Both in foreign and internal politics, they are trying to get Erdoğan controllable again. Erdoğan is someone who doesn’t get things easily… He can’t stay consistent either. He got Reyhanlı partially but it wasn’t enough. In the issue of Gezi Park, USA, big capital and Gülen’s sect, by leaving him vulnerable and defenseless, they have shown him the result of Reyhanlı business. I am not sure if he got the point. Last week, the name of Sarıgül being continuously mentioned as the candidate for the head of Istanbul municipality… (Sarıgül is the mayor of a district in Istanbul, who is a social democrat with strong ties with some sectors of capitalist class) The new relation between CHP (main opposition party) and Gülen’s sect constantly being mentioned in the “social media”. Add all these on top…

Would the “Turkish Spring” analogy fit there?

The “Turkish Spring” reference in the imperialist media is a message to Erdoğan. In the final analysis, they are happy with Erdoğan and they are not planning to replace him but they are also reminding him his limits. After the recent events, Erdoğan's policies about Syria and Iraq need to change. I think his adventure of presidency is also finished. One possibility is that the relation between Erdoğan and Gülen’s sect starts getting better and by establishing an ideological and political consolidation against the social reaction that emerged, they move together… This obviously will take time. On the other hand, Erdoğan’s anger can last longer and may respond to Gülen’s sect. This would create interesting results. But, it is not possible to expect Erdoğan to play the reasonable politician since a crestfallen Erdoğan is not useful for anyone.


Is that the historical meaning of the events?

Absolutely not… No one should cast a spur on this movement. This is an uprising of the people. The people are angry. Those who underestimate the opposition against Erdoğan and AKP should start to reconsider their perception. Those who think that there will be peace and democratization with Erdoğan should do the same thing as well. All their plans have failed. Do not listen to the analysis. This is a social movement. Some political forces are trying to use this movement not for a new future but just to intimidate the government. But this will not stop here. The recent events have contributed to the organized movement of the people. They left Erdoğan unsupported because otherwise they will attract the anger to themselves. They have been very careful. May me they used some tricks. For instance the unbridled brutality of the police….

How ready was the Turkish left?

It is always controversial what you mean by the left in Turkey. Some leftist groups do not have any political concerns. There are some groups which are not interested in or disdain the developments. I do not want to talk much about them. The political forces with serious political concerns were not ready to lead the events. But this movement is not alien to the left. As I said in many localities the organized left led the people.

There are some who are not happy with the intervention of the left. They are not comfortable with political identities, party flags or banners…

This is not surprising if you consider the spontaneity of the movement. On the other hand, in most places people demand the coordination of an organization. If you take into account the size of the events, the direct contribution of the organized left is limited but the determination of the people depends on the leftist forces. There is also an intellectual ego which is allergic to the idea of organized left. They want to monopolize the stage. We do not take them seriously. We have honest intellectuals who are resisting against this government. The left should back them but not the ones who are hostile to the leftist politics and the idea of any type of political organization.

There are two elements of this movement: Football fans and alcohol…

The participation of football fans has injected energy into the movement. However this should be analyzed alongside other factors… This energy caused some problems. Swearing at the political demonstrations, which has not been the case in Turkey can be given as an example to those problems. I observed this myself: Our women friends who criticize some of our texts or newspaper articles for having a ‘masculine discourse’ were swearing sexist words. This, of course, can be explained with the extent of the anger but the socialist movement should impose its own culture. In the issue of alcohol as well… Since Erdoğan is trying to ban alcoholic drinks, alcohol has become an issue of freedom. But this should be politicized. You cannot struggle against oppression by holding beer bottles in your hands. That is why I think TKP’s decision to not drink alcoholic drinks during the demonstrations is very important.

How can we define these incidents? Is that a revolutionary crisis?

No. Of course, this is an outburst of a huge social energy. It is powerful at extent and effect. But there are some Marxist criteria to define a situation as a revolutionary crisis. We are away from there. At least for now….

If you enjoyed this article, please consider clicking here and liking our facebook page!